In Yenagoa, the capital of Bayelsa State, the quiet hum of development is being drowned out by a rising chorus of ethnic tension, all sparked by a N150 million project. Igbo indigenes there are planning to build a cultural centre and meeting venue they've dubbed 'Anambra House'. But this isn't just about bricks and mortar; it's become a battleground for old grievances and new claims over land and identity.
For years, Yenagoa, often called the 'Zion' of Ijawland, has seen a steady influx of Igbo businesses. While government buildings and mansions owned by local politicians dot the landscape, much of the private property and thriving markets are owned by Igbo entrepreneurs. They saw an opportunity when Bayelsa was carved out of Rivers State in 1996, and as they usually do, they invested, built, and established businesses, making life easier for residents who no longer need to travel far for essentials.
But some excited Ijaw bloggers have taken the 'Anambra House' plan and spun it into a narrative of 'selling Bayelsa'. They portray the building of one more Igbo-owned property as a sign of territorial takeover, ignoring the thousands of houses already owned by Igbo residents in the state. This hysteria, fueled by online chatter, is steadily ratcheting up tensions between Igbo and Ijaw communities in Bayelsa, according to writer Ochereome Nnanna, whose insights form the basis of this report.
The 'Anambra House' controversy is deeply intertwined with a history of competing ethnic claims over territories. Ijaw activists, for instance, have been pushing the narrative that oil-rich areas like Ohaji and Egbema in Imo State are actually Ijaw communities, even reportedly enrolling their indigenes into the Ijaw National Congress's ethnic register. Similar claims are made for Ndoki communities in Rivers State, which spill into Abia and Akwa Ibom – all predominantly Igbo-speaking areas. On the flip side, Igbo activists have laid claim to Okrika, Kalabari, Bonny, and Opobo, asserting their Igbo origins.
Some Ijaw youths, caught up in this fervor, view 'Anambra House' as an extension of what they see as Igbo territorial ambitions in Bayelsa. Yet, this perspective seems to overlook the widespread Igbo presence and ownership in the state. This narrative is also tied to a persistent grievance: the belief among some young Ijaws that Igbo people were responsible for the death of Major Adaka Boro, a key figure in the Niger Delta struggle.
Boro's short-lived armed uprising in 1966, aimed at seceding the Niger Delta, was halted by General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, Nigeria's first and only Igbo Head of State, who detained him. However, history tells a different story regarding Boro's fate. General Yakubu Gowon, in creating Rivers State just before the Civil War, freed Boro and enlisted him to fight alongside the Federal forces. Many Igbo people, however, hold Boro responsible for the purging of their kin in riverine areas during the war. The speculation persists that Boro may have been killed by Colonel Benjamin Adekunle of the 3rd Marine Commando, seeking to claim credit for cutting off Biafra's access to the Atlantic.
Yet, many young Ijaws prefer the narrative that blames Biafran troops, a story that might have been convenient during the war to distance them from their Igbo neighbours. This, the argument goes, allowed the North and South West to control the nation's oil and gas wealth, leaving the Niger Delta to scramble for smaller gains.
Politically, there have been attempts from the Igbo nation to mend fences with their Ijaw neighbours. Following the death of President Umaru Yar' Adua in 2010, Ohanaeze Ndi Igbo, a prominent Igbo socio-cultural organization, spearheaded a movement calling for the immediate transfer of presidential powers to then-Vice President Goodluck Jonathan. At a summit in Enugu in 2011, Igbo leaders opted out of the presidential race, endorsing Jonathan as their sole candidate. This support translated into a significant bloc of votes for him. In recognition, Jonathan included Igbo technocrats in key positions, notably appointing Pius Anyim as Secretary to the Government of the Federation and Dr.
Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala to steer the economy, marking a significant political engagement between the groups for the first time since the Civil War.